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The post-election crisis in Zimbabwe – what’s to be done now?

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By Ibbo Mandaza and Tony Reeler | Daily Maverick


SINCE continued polarisation within Zimbabwe, and the possibility of polarisation within the SADC, will continue in the absence of a substantive dialogue, the Platform for Concerned Citizens has launched a petition which outlines steps towards resolving the crisis.

As with all elections since 2000, the 2023 Zimbabwe’s harmonised elections have ended in dispute. However, contrary to all previous elections, except 2008, these elections have resulted in dispute both internally and externally. Zimbabweans are clear that the elections were not free, fair or credible. But for the first time, African and other international observers are in agreement that the elections failed the test of best practice.

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The one critical thing it was hoped these elections would achieve was no dispute, allowing the country to move on to resolving its economic problems and its international pariah status. As Joaquim Chissano, former president of Mozambique, said: “The crisis in the country is having terrible consequences for the region as Zimbabwe lies at the heart of southern Africa.”

However, the problem remains.

Not only is Zimbabwe itself in dispute, with the Citizens’ Coalition for Change (CCC) rejecting the election, together with Zimbabwean civil society and a huge section of the citizenry, but there are signs that there is a growing dispute within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) itself over the elections and what to do about it.

Dealing with the fallout from this election cannot lead to a simple binary position: accept it or reject it.

This outcome was entirely predictable, as we pointed out eight months ago, suggesting that Zimbabwe has reached a Lancaster House moment. The improbability that any election in the context of a securocrat state would resolve the Zimbabwean crisis is a point that we have made repeatedly since 2016: not even the coup and the belief that there was a new dispensation have changed this reality. The same point was made more recently.

Citizens’ Coalition for Change leader Nelson Chamisa speaks to the media in Harare on 27 August 2023. (Photo: EPA-EFE / Aaron Ufumeli)

Dealing with the fallout from this election cannot lead to a simple binary position: accept it or reject it. The stakes for the country and the region are far too high, which was the primary motivation for the arrears clearance and debt relief process in Zimbabwe, and the decision to address the three main stumbling blocks to international re-engagement and economic stability: the economy, governance and land (property rights). It would seem probable that the strategy is now sunk – certainly arrested – by the major failure in governance that the election has demonstrated.

Furthermore, this cannot be a situation that is pre-empted by Zimbabwe, nor can the spirit of the SADC, reflected in the Organ on Politics, Defence, and Security, be ignored. Indeed, the whole notion behind the establishment of the organ was to deal with crisis and conflict within the region. The SADC report established that there is a crisis in Zimbabwe.

It was in recognition of all of this that the Platform for Concerned Citizens (PCC) launched a petition in the aftermath of the election. We do not pretend that the process and the indicators proposed in the petition are the only solution, but we are certain that continued polarisation within Zimbabwe, and the possibility of polarisation within the SADC, will continue in the absence of a substantive dialogue. Such dialogue is the modus vivendi in the SADC and Africa for resolving disputes: political problems require political solutions, not narrow legal determinations.

The petition, now signed by 65,880 people (and overwhelmingly by Zimbabweans at home and in the diaspora), outlined a series of steps towards resolving the crisis:

  • The establishment of an Eminent Persons Group, tasked with negotiating the establishment of a Transitional Government, composed of political parties and other major citizen groupings;
  • The negotiations must be broad-based, including political parties, civil society, churches, labour, women and other citizen groupings; and
  • The Transitional Government should set up with a clear and specific set of reforms that must be achieved.

The reform process should lead in time to an election beyond dispute nationally, primarily, but also without dispute regionally, continentally and internationally.

In essence, the proposal is very simple. Rather than foster dispute nationally, regionally, continentally and internationally, face the Lancaster House moment, and begin an internationally brokered dialogue on a solution that is acceptable to all Zimbabweans.

The SADC should mandate an Eminent Persons Group to begin the dialogue process with all stakeholders in Zimbabwe. We suggest an African Eminent Persons Group composed of Kgalema Motlanthe (SADC), Jakaya Kikwete (East African Community) and Olusegun Obasanjo (Ecowas) to lead this process, fully supported by the SADC. This will reflect the African Union broadly: eastern, western and southern.

This initiative will require the concerted (and united) efforts of the whole SADC community, especially the “reluctant hegemon”, as Adam Habib once termed South Africa in reference to its foreign policy.

The dialogue will undoubtedly be lengthy and difficult, and thus it is imperative that it begin as soon as possible, most importantly because the economic crisis in Zimbabwe requires international support, and it is probable that this could occur if the country as a whole was committed to a frank and honest dialogue.

Ibbo Mandaza and Tony Reeler are co-conveners of the Platform for Concerned Citizens. They are the sponsors of the petition, which has been forwarded to the chair of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security, as well as to the chair of the AU and the international community in general.

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Six die in plane crash


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By Staff Reporter


A plane believed to be owned by Rio Zimbabwe, has reportedly crashed in Mashava this morning killing six people.

According to state media reports, the plane was  travelling from Harare to Zvishavane when it crashed.

It is also reported that it was going to transport diamonds but developed a technical fault before it plunged into Peter Farm in the Zvamahande area.

All passengers and crew allegedly died on the spot.

Unconfirmed reports state the plane might have exploded mid-air before hitting the ground.

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RioZim owner, five others die in plane crash

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By Staff Reporter


A plane believed to be owned by Rio Zimbabwe, crashed in Mashava this morning killing six people.

According to state media reports, the plane was  travelling from Harare to Zvishavane when it crashed.

It is also reported that it was going to transport diamonds but developed a technical fault before it plunged into Peter Farm in the Zvamahande area.

All passengers and crew died on the spot.

Unconfirmed reports state the plane might have exploded mid-air before hitting the ground.

Top journalist and filmmaker, Hopewell Chin’ono said some the deceased are Rio Zim owner Harpal Randhawa and his son.

“I am deeply saddened with the passing of Harpal Randhawa, the owner of Rio Zim who died today in a plane crash in Zvishavane.

“Five other people including his son who was also a pilot, but a passenger on this flight also died in the crash,” wrote Chin’ono on X.

Chin’ono said he first met Harpal in 2017 through a mutual friend and businessman, Kalaa Mpinga who owned Mwana Africa mines.

“Through him I met many people in the business, diplomatic, and political worlds.

“My thoughts are with his wife, family, friends and the Rio Zim community,” he added.

Rio Zim company secretary Gova said a full statement will be issued.

“I am not in a position to address the media right now. We will however be issuing a statement as soon as possible,” he said.

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Leveraging our own natural resources for development – NewsDay

Zimbabwe has operational mines already producing gold, nickel, platinum, coal, chrome and diamonds.

THE growth in global demand for lithium has led to an increasing number of new mining investments in Zimbabwe. Sabi Star mine became the latest lithium extraction operation to be commissioned by President Emmerson Mnangagwa in August.

It is reasonable to expect more capital to be assigned in that sector, as Zimbabwe is ranked as having the sixth-largest lithium deposits, worldwide.

The country is also at the threshold of Coal Bed Methane (CBM) extraction. A locally-owned entity named Alabara resources is reported to be establishing a new CBM mine, after feasibility studies proved the availability of commercial quantities of the resource.

Vast CBM resources are understood to be available in the Matabeleland North province of the country, particularly in Lupane, Gwayi and Hwange.

Around five more corporations are carrying out explorations in the province, with strong indications that, they too will be into commercial production before 2025.

On the other hand, Invictus Energy, an independent oil and gas company, is at advanced stages in the quest to prove the existence of oil and gas in the Cabora Bassa Basin.

A production sharing agreement was established as far back as January, 2021, with the framework on how the corporation and government will split the extracted oil between each other once discovered.

Apart from the possibility of new resources, Zimbabwe has operational mines already producing gold, nickel, platinum, coal, chrome and diamonds.

Government revenue from the extractive sector is mostly generated through royalties charged on the minerals, taxes and profit sharing, in the case where mining joint-ventures have been established between the government and private sector.

Since mineral resources are non-renewable, it is crucial for the government to establish a framework, which it will use in order to ensure that revenue from the extractive sector is utilised for economic diversification and development.

Additionally, the responsible management of funds gathered from the mining sector will permeate the creation of a resilient economy, which will be more impervious to external shocks. It will have more fiscal space to meet all budget requirements and transfer some of the mineral wealth to future generations through the Sovereign Wealth Fund of Zimbabwe.

Available channels for value creation

There are essentially three methods, which the government can use to link resource revenues to development. The methods are not exclusive, meaning that, they can be utilised as a combination.

Firstly, revenues from taxes, royalties and profit sharing may be used to finance the countries’ development agenda. If human development is a priority, then education, healthcare, provision of clean water and electricity, are likely to be the programmes of choice.

With transformational revenues, cash payments to either local communities where extraction is taking place, or to a considerable section of the country’s population, can be targeted.

Whereas, if public infrastructure or economic diversification are more urgent, then funds will be routed to those areas.

Secondly, the government can encourage “local content” policies, which promote the use of local suppliers in procurement and employment. In the case where local suppliers to the extractive sector need capacitation, revenues may be assigned towards their capacitation through investments in machinery, certifications, and other capital requirements.

For organisations, which employ locals, marginal tax concessions may be offered. It is crucial to outline that extractive projects, such as oil, gas and other minerals, characteristically take 10 or more years from exploration to significant or peak productivity.

For this reason, local procurement and employment frameworks will utilise much of the miners’ available funds, before significant production starts.

The exploration and construction phases will typically involve industrial-level procurement, specialised and general employees.

Thirdly, it has become the tradition that several extractive corporations provide local community investments in order to strengthen their “social capital” (local approval).

In some cases, companies establish roads, bridges, irrigation, schools or clinics. Government should encourage such developments wherever the corporations are operational. Collaborative effort between government and the miners is also desirable.

A case in point is when a company has enough funds to build a school or clinic but does not have the capacity or assurance that it will be able to pay recurring expenses such as  salaries.

In that regard, the company may build the infrastructure, whilst the government takes ownership of the recurring expenditures.

Defining development goals

At the outset, the government needs to set development goals, which it will to link to the inflows of natural resource revenues. This means that a predetermined portion of revenues from extractives will be directed to fund these goals. When there is clarity on the developmental targets, the connection between revenues and the development agenda is more direct and effective.

Measurability of the impact of resource revenues also becomes possible. The development targets may include spending the earned revenues on economic diversification, cash transfers, education, health, clean water, electricity, infrastructure, etc.

If the country is to achieve sustainable and robust growth, then resource revenues should be earmarked for economic diversification. A look at the experiences of Nigeria and Indonesia, describing how they invested their oil revenues, may provide pertinent lessons for Zimbabwe. When Nigeria began to experience significantly high oil revenues (1960- 1973) there were accompanying major forex inflows.

This led to a sharp appreciation of the local currency (naira).

Subsequently, agricultural and other exports, which were dependent on a relatively weaker naira, for their competitiveness, became more expensive in US dollar terms.

As a result, the agricultural sector suffered terribly, which drove the nation to be even more dependant on oil. On the other hand, in Indonesia, the oil and gas revenues were used to subsidise the agricultural sector through the provision of fertilisers, irrigation, roads and other rural infrastructure, where agricultural activity was concentrated.

The strengthening of the local currency, therefore, had limited impact on reducing the competitiveness of agricultural products in both the local and foreign markets.

Thus, farming thrived in Indonesia and continued to grow until it became a major agricultural nation, globally. From comparable starting points, before the discovery of oil, it eventually took Nigeria, until 2008, to reach the level of human development that Indonesia reached by 1980.

In the same manner, Treasury in Zimbabwe should focus on strengthening other sectors of the economy, such as export-agriculture, strategic manufacturing (niche or key products such as oxygen, textiles, tobacco processing, fertilisers), etc.

With regards to export-agriculture, funds may be availed for extension services, contract farming, transportation, storage and administration. This will increase forex-inflows and uphold both local employment and economic growth.

Unlike funding subsistence farmers, which drains fiscal revenues, yearly, export-oriented farming will yield income for both government and households, which preferably, should be rural-based.

The Sovereign Wealth Fund of Zimbabwe can drive these diversification programmes.

A portion of the revenues may be used to make cash transfers to local communities where the extraction of resources is occurring. This may be particularly desirable for peri-urban and rural areas, as the additional income will ignite economic activity in the isolated regions.

With substantive cash payments, the areas may become industrialised or contribute significantly towards reversing urbanisation and pressure on public services in the cities.

As an example, paying a monthly stipend of US$2 per each individual in the rural areas may have a direct cost to Treasury of US$22 million per month, or less.

Rural inhabitants are around 11 million; using an estimated country population of 16 million, according to the World Bank, with the rural portion making 67,4% of the figure.

If commodity revenues are transformational (major), the payments seem possible. Such disbursements may be exactly what it takes to spark burgeoning rural economies. With vigorous rural economies, Zimbabwe’s overall economic potential will be fully unlocked.

In 2022, the Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (Artuz), published a research document titled Beyond geographies of inequality: Public Education Financing in Post-Covid Zimbabwe.

The findings of the research were that 63% of rural pupils dropped out of school in 2022, and most of them are girls. The cost of education remains restrictive, especially to the less-affluent urban and rural residents.

A lack of reading and numeracy skills was also observed in rural pupils, with an incidence of 85% and 86%, respectively. Further, the educational infrastructure and quality of teachers is not up to par, whilst the lack of access to clean water and electricity do much to compound the experiences of students subject to rural education.

The impetuous challenges, which these circumstances will bring to the students and their communities, in the next few years, include poverty, unemployment, social isolation, inequality and underdevelopment.

If the government is keen on reversing or mitigating some of these challenges, then a portion of Treasury’s income from the extractive sector needs to be channelled to rural areas.

When there is fiscal capacity (extra revenue), this should be a priority area. Government spending may earmark, completely free education in those parts of the country.

Additionally, incentives such as free meals, books, and, or, uniforms, will motivate the pupils to complete their classes, at least from grade one, to Ordinary Level.

Leveraging resources in this manner will offer multiple direct and indirect benefits, including the reversal of urbanisation and subsequently, pressures on public services such as water, electricity and waste management in the cities.

Deepening investments in reliable electricity generation, provision of clean water and public infrastructure will also be viable designations of the resource revenues.

Managing risks and expectations

In some cases, the citizens may wrongly interpret that a discovery of new resources directly means that they are to immediately shift from poverty to wealth. Therefore, when there is no management of such expectations, there is bound to be discontent, which, in worst cases, may break into insurgency.

This has been the situation in the Niger delta, where local communities feel deprived of the region’s oil resources. Closer to Zimbabwe, armed-conflict broke out in Cabo Delgado in Mozambique, on the same basis.

It is thus vital for government to convey the delays that should be expected by the public in enjoying the effects of new resource discoveries.

A number of risks also need to be managed, for the prudent administration of revenues. Chiefly, it is vital to resist spending revenues before they are earned. This can be done when a government borrows, with the target of using future income from the extractive sector, as a means to repay the borrowed amount.

In 2012, Zambia borrowed US$750 million to fund projects in energy and transportation, with the expectation that copper production would continue to drive economic growth.

However, just two years later, copper prices fell by 30% and the local currency (Kwacha) depreciated. Further, the country’s credit rating was downgraded, owing to concerns over its ability to service its growing public debt. Zambia is now on an IMF programme to resolve its debt overhang.

Since prices of commodities are volatile, it is judicious to forecast revenues based on average or lower price-levels. Using highest-possible prices in revenue forecasting is not advisable.

Additionally, for commodities with extremely volatile prices, revenues must not be committed towards recurring expenditures. Rather, once-off or capital investments are suitable in such cases. Ultimately, it is crucial for government to maintain policy consistency, from the time when exploration for resources commences to the construction of mines.

Without consistency in government policy, investments will be delayed or rerouted to other destinations, apart from Zimbabwe.

 

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